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“The Middle East women through feminism theories lens”

Transnational feminism approach and key ideas

The Middle East Women Through a Feminist Lens: A Transnational Analysis

Abstract

This analytical paper examines the experiences of Middle Eastern women within educational organizations through the theoretical framework of transnational feminism. Drawing primarily on Chandra Talpade Mohanty’s foundational work, Feminism Without Borders (2003), and other key transnational feminist scholarship, this paper explores how women navigate, resist, and transform patriarchal structures in educational settings. The analysis begins by establishing the theoretical foundations of transnational feminism, distinguishing it from international and global feminist approaches. It then examines key theorists and their contributions before focusing specifically on Mohanty’s critique of Western feminist universalism. The final sections apply these theoretical insights to workplace contexts, particularly educational organizations in the Middle East, demonstrating how transnational feminism provides a more nuanced framework for understanding women’s experiences without reducing them to victims of a monolithic patriarchy.

Introduction

The status and experiences of women in the Middle East have long been a subject of Western feminist inquiry, yet much of this scholarship has been characterized by what Chandra Talpade Mohanty identifies as a colonizing gaze that reduces “Third World women” to a homogenous group of victims. This paper challenges such universalizing tendencies by employing transnational feminism as an analytical lens to explore how Middle Eastern women experience and navigate educational organizations.

Transnational feminism emerged in the 1990s as a critical response to the limitations of both international and global feminist frameworks. Unlike “international feminism,” which tends to emphasize nation-states as distinct entities, or “global feminism,” which often presumes a universal “sisterhood” that ignores differences of race, class, and colonial history, transnational feminism attends to the uneven and dissimilar circuits of culture and capital that shape women’s lives across borders.

The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to provide a comprehensive overview of transnational feminist theory as articulated in key foundational texts; second, to examine Mohanty’s influential critique of Western feminism and her vision for decolonizing feminist practice; and third, to apply these theoretical insights to the specific context of Middle Eastern women in educational organizations and workplaces.

Defining Transnational Feminism

Transnational feminism refers to both a contemporary feminist paradigm and a corresponding activist movement concerned with how globalization and capitalism affect people across nations, races, genders, classes, and sexualities. The term “transnational” represents a deliberate rejection of earlier terminology. As Amanda Swarr and Richa Nagar explain inCritical Transnational Feminist Praxis, previous descriptors included “women of color feminisms,” “Third World feminisms,” “multicultural feminisms,” “international feminism,” and “global feminism”.

Why the rejection of these earlier terms? Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan, whose 1994 textScattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practicesis widely credited with coining the term, argue that “international” places excessive emphasis on nation-states as distinct entities, while “global” speaks to liberal feminist theories of “global sisterhood” that ignore Third World women and women of color’s perspectives on gender inequality. Neither term adequately addresses the colonial legacies and power imbalances that shape relationships between women from different geographical and cultural locations.

Marshall (2020) defines transnational feminism as “a form of political activism launched by feminist organizations and individual activists to move beyond the limits of their nations for networking, advocacy, and lobbying,” while simultaneously envisioning it as “a theory developed against white Western feminism’s notion of global sisterhood, which assumes a common patriarchal oppression faced by all women”. This dual character—as both theory and practice—is essential to understanding transnational feminism’s distinctive contribution.

Transnational feminism draws significantly from postcolonial feminist theories, emphasizing how colonialist legacies have shaped and continue to shape the social, economic, and political oppression of women across the globe. It rejects the idea that women from different nations share identical subjectivities or experiences of gender inequality. Instead, it recognizes that global capitalism has created similar relations of exploitation and inequality around which feminists can find solidarity and seek collaboration—without erasing difference.

Key Theorists and Foundational Works

Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan

The theoretical paradigm of transnational feminism was first articulated by Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan in their seminal 1994 textScattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices. In this work, Grewal and Kaplan posit transnational feminist theory as one that critiques modernity through the lens of feminist theory. They argue that postmodernism, while powerful in its critique of modern global capitalism, is inadequate because it fails to explore gender or reflect on the consequences of theorizing from a Western background.

Without attending to how colonial histories and global capital flows allow different cultures to influence and change one another, Grewal and Kaplan contend, postmodernist theorists portray non‑Western cultures as essentially different from and marginal to Western cultures. For activists around the world to collaborate effectively, they need a theory that both creates solidarity among women globally and recognizes difference. In their words:

“In working to construct such a terrain for coalition and cooperation, however, we have to rearticulate the histories of how people in different locations and circumstances are linked by the spread of and resistance to modern capitalist social formations even as their experiences of these phenomena are not at all the same or equal”.

M. Jacqui Alexander and Chandra Talpade Mohanty

Soon after Grewal and Kaplan’s foundational text, M. Jacqui Alexander and Chandra Talpade Mohanty publishedFeminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures(1997), a book crucial to formulating the transnational feminist canon. This text built on Grewal and Kaplan’s work while focusing more directly on how transnational feminist theory could foreground activist practices in global contexts. Alexander and Mohanty introduced the concept of “feminist democracies” as a way for activists to imagine non‑hegemonic futures.

Mohanty’s contributions have been particularly influential. Her 2003 collectionFeminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidaritybrings together her classic and new writings on transnational feminism, addressing what she sees as the most pressing and complex issues facing contemporary feminism. The volume highlights several key concerns: the politics of difference and solidarity, decolonizing and democratizing feminist practice, the crossing of borders, and the relation of feminist knowledge and scholarship to organizing and social movements.

Understanding Mohanty’s Foundational Critique

“Under Western Eyes” and Its Legacy

No examination of transnational feminism can proceed without engaging Mohanty’s most influential essay, “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses,” originally published in 1984 and reprinted inFeminism Without Borders. In this essay, Mohanty argues that Western feminist theory has tended to construct “Third World women” as a single, homogenous group of victims living under a dominant, monolithic patriarchy, thereby extending the colonizing mindset.

Mohanty insists that it is important to distinguish between “woman” as a discursively constructed category and “women” as real, historical subjects with diverse experiences and forms of agency. As she writes, “This connection between women as historical subjects and the representation of Woman produced by hegemonic discourses is not a relation of direct identity or a relation of correspondence or simple implication. Rather it is an arbitrary relation set up by particular cultures”. The collective term “women” as a stable category of analysis is problematic because it assumes an ahistorical, universal unity between women based on Western perceptions.

The Danger of Universalizing Patriarchy

What makes Mohanty’s critique so powerful is its demonstration of how even well‑intentioned feminist scholarship can reproduce colonial power relations. When Western feminists assume that all women share the same oppression under “patriarchy,” they erase the specific histories, cultures, and material conditions that shape different women’s lives. Mohanty argues that it is essential to situate Third World feminism and the experiences of Third World women within local and historical contexts rather than using a universalist approach biased toward Western feminism. As she states, “It is only by understanding the contradictions inherent in women’s location within various structures that effective political action and challenges can be devised”.

Mohanty’s Vision for Transnational Feminism

Mohanty does not merely critique; she offers a constructive vision for what she calls “feminism without borders.” This vision involves several key elements: first, a sustained critique of globalization and its effects on women, particularly poor and working‑class women; second, a reorientation of transnational feminist practice toward anticapitalist struggles; and third, a commitment to building solidarity across differences without erasing them.

Angela Y. Davis, reviewingFeminism Without Borders, captures Mohanty’s significance: “Over the past two decades, Chandra Talpade Mohanty has produced an extraordinary body of writings on transnational feminism, radically changing the way we think about such categories as ‘third world women,’ ‘women of color’ and ‘globalization’”.

Key Concepts in Transnational Feminist Theory

Rejecting False Binaries

Transnational feminism rejects essentialist binaries such as First World/Third World, colonizer/colonized, and oppressor/victim. As Grewal and Kaplan argue, the term “transnational” is useful precisely because it signals “attention to uneven and dissimilar circuits of culture and capital,” making “the links among patriarchies, colonialisms, racisms, and feminisms become more apparent and available for critique or appropriation”.

Gender as a Constructed Category

Transnational feminism examines how powers of colonialism, modernity, postmodernity, and globalization construct gender norms. Building on the insights of second‑wave feminism, which began to explore gender rather than sex as a category of distinction, transnational feminism recognizes gender as an ongoing, changeable process that shapes people’s lives and behaviors. Understanding gender as constructed—rather than natural or universal—opens space for recognizing diverse forms of femininity and masculinity across cultural contexts.

Intersectionality and Difference

Transnational feminism is fundamentally intersectional, attending to how gender intersects with race, class, nationality, sexuality, and colonial history to produce different experiences of oppression and opportunity. As Marshall (2020) explains, transnational feminism allows for “dialog, coalition building, and solidarity among women in their contextual particularities that are based on the intersection of social locations”.

Solidarity Without Erasure

Perhaps the most challenging and important concept in transnational feminism is the possibility of solidarity across difference. Mohanty insists that solidarity does not require sameness. Instead, feminists can build coalitions by recognizing their different locations and histories while identifying shared struggles against capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy. This is what Mohanty means by “feminism without borders”—not the erasure of borders, but the recognition that genuine solidarity requires crossing them without claiming to speak for those on the other side.

Anti‑Capitalist Critique

Mohanty positions herself as an anti‑capitalist, arguing that global capitalism systematically harms women, particularly Third World women. Transnational feminism therefore critiques neoliberal globalization, structural adjustment programs, and the feminization of labor that has accompanied the spread of global capitalism. This anti‑capitalist orientation distinguishes transnational feminism from liberal feminist approaches that seek women’s advancement within existing economic structures.

Applying Transnational Feminism to Middle Eastern Women in Educational Organizations

Problematizing the Western Gaze

How does transnational feminism illuminate the experiences of Middle Eastern women in educational organizations? First, it challenges the tendency—still prevalent in some Western discourse—to represent Middle Eastern women primarily as victims of a uniquely oppressive regional patriarchy. As Mohanty’s critique makes clear, such representations are not merely inaccurate; they are themselves a form of colonial discourse that denies Middle Eastern women agency and complexity.

Research on women in Arab education unions, conducted in six Arab countries (Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, and Palestine), reveals a more nuanced picture. While the study found that women’s representation in leadership positions has declined to 41.79% despite women making up 62.79% of primary school educators, the obstacles identified are not a simple matter of “Islamic patriarchy.” Rather, they include stereotypes, lack of experience and self‑confidence, fear of failure, family obligations, social pressure, household labor, and male dominance. These are obstacles familiar to women in many contexts, though their specific configurations differ.

The Importance of Local Context

Transnational feminism insists that effective analysis and action must be grounded in local contexts. In the Middle Eastern context, this means attending to the specific histories of colonialism, post‑colonial state formation, economic development, and religious and cultural traditions that shape women’s experiences in educational organizations. As Hurley (2024) argues in her study of Gulf‑Arab women learners, feminist analysis must be “grounded in the local sociocultural context” rather than applying universalist frameworks developed elsewhere.

Hurley develops a “feminist‑decolonial‑capabilities” framework that rethinks “static, androcentric and ethnocentric assumptions of learner‑positionalities.” Her study conceptualizes Gulf‑Arab women themselves “as possible agents in driving, articulating and expanding learner‑positionalities”. This approach exemplifies transnational feminism’s commitment to recognizing women as agents, not victims.

Women as Agents, Not Victims

A recurring theme in transnational feminist analysis is the recognition that women in the Global South, including the Middle East, are not passive recipients of either oppression or Western feminist rescue. They are active agents who navigate, resist, and transform the structures that constrain them. The Education International study of Arab education unions found that despite significant barriers, women continue to organize and advocate for change, calling for “awareness and training on gender equality,” “mentorship programs aimed at supporting women in achieving leadership positions,” and “gender quotas in leadership positions”.

These demands emerge from local contexts and reflect local priorities. They are not imposed from outside but articulated by women organizing within their own communities and institutions.

Applying Mohanty’s Framework to Educational Workplaces

Mohanty’s critique of “Under Western Eyes” provides a powerful lens for examining Middle Eastern women’s experiences in educational organizations. Rather than asking “how are Middle Eastern women oppressed?”—a question that presumes victimhood—transnational feminism asks more productive questions: How do Middle Eastern women in educational organizations experience and navigate the specific constraints they face? What forms of agency and resistance do they develop? How do they understand their own positions and possibilities? What alliances can be built across differences of class, nationality, religion, and region?

The concept of “feminist democracy” that Alexander and Mohanty introduce offers a vision for transforming educational organizations. A feminist democratic educational workplace would be one in which women participate fully in decision‑making, where their voices are heard and valued, where the specific forms of knowledge they bring are recognized, and where solidarity across differences is actively cultivated.

The Education International study calls for precisely such transformations: “awareness‑raising, policy reform, capacity building, and inclusive leadership development,” as well as “zero‑tolerance policies towards discrimination” and “national and local bodies to carry out activities that seek to support gender equality”. These recommendations align with transnational feminism’s emphasis on structural change rather than merely individual advancement.

Building Solidarity Across Borders

Transnational feminism’s commitment to building solidarity across borders without erasing difference is especially relevant to the situation of Middle Eastern women in educational organizations. International feminist initiatives that position Western women as “saviors” and Middle Eastern women as “victims” are not only ineffective but harmful, as they reinforce colonial dynamics that Mohanty critiques.

Instead, transnational feminism calls for collaborative relationships based on mutual respect and recognition of difference. This might involve Western feminists supporting the specific demands articulated by Middle Eastern women educators—for better working conditions, for leadership opportunities, for policies that accommodate family responsibilities, for protection from harassment—without imposing their own priorities or assuming they know what is best.

The Education International study emphasizes that success requires “a collaborative approach involving unions, governments, civil society, and international partners”. This collaborative vision, grounded in local priorities and local leadership, exemplifies the kind of solidarity without erasure that Mohanty advocates.

Conclusion

This paper has examined the experiences of Middle Eastern women in educational organizations through the lens of transnational feminism, drawing primarily on the foundational work of Chandra Talpade Mohanty and other key theorists. Transnational feminism offers a powerful alternative to both universalizing Western feminist approaches that erase difference and relativist approaches that treat each context as completely incommensurable.

By attending to the specific histories, material conditions, and forms of agency that shape Middle Eastern women’s lives, transnational feminism provides a framework for understanding both the real constraints women face and the creative ways they navigate, resist, and transform those constraints. It challenges the tendency—still present in some Western discourse—to represent Middle Eastern women primarily as victims, insisting instead on their status as agents who act, organize, and advocate for change.

The research on women in Arab education unions demonstrates that despite significant barriers, women are actively working to transform their workplaces, demanding greater participation in leadership, better working conditions, and policies that support gender equality. These demands emerge from local contexts, reflect local priorities, and are articulated by women organizing within their own communities.

For Western feminists seeking to support gender justice in the Middle East, transnational feminism offers a crucial lesson: genuine solidarity requires recognizing difference, respecting local leadership, and building relationships based on mutual respect rather than rescue. As Mohanty argues, a feminism without borders is not a feminism without difference, but a feminism that crosses borders without erasing them. This vision—of solidarity across difference, of coalition without domination, of transformation grounded in local contexts—is what transnational feminism offers to the study of women in Middle Eastern educational organizations and beyond.

References

1.     Ahmed, L. (1992).Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. Yale University Press.

2.     Alexander, M. J., & Mohanty, C. T. (1997).Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures. Routledge.

3.     Education International. (2025). Arab education unions gear up to increase women’s participation and leadership.https://www.ei-ie.org/en/item/30015

4.     Grewal, I., & Kaplan, C. (1994).Scattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices. University of Minnesota Press.

5.     Hurley, Z. (2024). Developing feminist-decolonial-capabilities for emancipatory pedagogy: A case of Gulf-Arab women’s learner-positionalities. In N. Lacković et al. (Eds.),Rethinking Education and Emancipation(pp. 117-136). Springer.

6.     Marshall, G. A. (2020). Transnational feminisms. In N. A. Naples (Ed.),Companion to Feminist Studies. Wiley.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781119314967.ch11

7.     Mohanty, C. T. (2003).Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity. Duke University Press.

8.     Swarr, A., & Nagar, R. (2010).Critical Transnational Feminist Praxis. SUNY Press.

 

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